The legal fraternity has expressed outrage after EFF leader Julius Malema lashed out at judges for their role in struggle activist Solomon Mahlangu's death.
Law is not always just. "On 6 April [1979], the whites killed Solomon Mahlangu. They must be reminded that they killed Mahlangu. Who sanctioned the killing of Solomon Mahlangu? It was a judge, a white judge presiding over what is called law. Malema criticised judges for their role in the death of Mahlangu as he addressed supporters outside the offices of billionaire Johann Rupert in Stellenbosch on Wednesday.
The Umkhonto We Sizwe operative died on April 6 1979, at the age of 22 after he had been convicted for murder and terrorism during the apartheid era.
The ceremony began at Kgosi Mampuru prison and ended at the Pretoria West Police Station following a march. So we must demand an inquest so that the family finds closure.” He had been convicted for murder and terrorism during the apartheid era.
DURBAN - THE apartheid regime did not kill Solomon Mahlangu because his spirit continued to live on, ANC senior official Dr Gwen Ramokgopa said yesterday.
So we must demand an inquest so that the family finds closure.” “In addition, 14 additional dedicated TRC prosecutors were appointed to deal with TRC matters. He had been convicted of murder and terrorism during the apartheid era. Cajee, said that those directly involved in the deaths of anti-apartheid activists must take responsibility, come clean and make “honest confessions and show remorse for what they have done”. “FW de Klerk and police generals were complicit. She said the lack of political will from the ANC and the government was an ongoing concern.
The family of struggle icon Solomon Mahlangu and the ANC have opened a case at the Mamelodi West police station to ascertain the facts relating to his ...
What is a shame is that the roof to that house was installed by Mahlangu himself and our government refuses to grant it heritage status." We want our history to be captured right, and part of that means knowing how Mahlangu died. The family of struggle icon Solomon Mahlangu and the ANC on Wednesday opened a case at the Mamelodi West police station to ascertain the facts relating to his death.
Did Solomon Mahlangu die by hanging at the hands of the apartheid regime, or was he killed by three bullets? The official version says the Umkhonto we Sizwe ...
In 2018, an inquest found that Timol did not kill himself but had been murdered by apartheid police. These questions, they said, they have harboured since the Truth and Reconciliation Commission almost 30 years ago. We want our history to be captured right and part of that means knowing how Mahlangu died.”
The coordinator in the office of the African National Congress (ANC) Secretary-General, Dr Gwen Ramokgopa has called on the youth of today to forever.
So as the family, we intend to re-open the case so that it can be retried so that we can have closure in that regard,” Mahlangu says. “As the family, we would like to re-open the case of Kalushi. So that the whole country can know the truth. Ramokgopa says the youth must know that the fight against Apartheid saw people lose their lives and it must not be taken for granted.
The coordinator in the office of the African National Congress (ANC) Secretary-General, Dr Gwen Ramokgopa has called on the youth of today to forever ...
So as the family, we intend to re-open the case so that it can be retried so that we can have closure in that regard,” Mahlangu says. “As the family, we would like to re-open the case of Kalushi. So that the whole country can know the truth. Ramokgopa says the youth must know that the fight against Apartheid saw people lose their lives and it must not be taken for granted.
So, when ANC president OR Tambo asked us to start the primary division at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (Somafco), we readily agreed. The school was ...
Taken out of context, this comment was circulated within the ANC as “Terry Bell has described the leadership of the ANC as barbaric and stupid”. Footnote: Last month, when speaking about those Somafco times to a former student who was at the complex at that time, she noted: “I think you kept things in check. A worrying factor was that both Wolpe and Tikly approached me at the start of the meetings to suggest that I should propose that the primary division be kept separate from the secondary school. It subsequently – shortly after we had left Somafco in 1982 – toured the Netherlands and Scandinavia, raising the profile of the ANC. The lead actor, the late Gandhi Maseko, was also one of a group of students suspected of dagga smoking and who were taken to a remote classroom at midnight and tortured to confess and reveal the names of other smokers. However, the almost-final straw arrived when three women, seen in Morogoro talking to some PAC students from a nearby medical facility, were taken before a night-time “court” in the carpentry workshop, tried and sentenced to a particularly vicious sjambokking. But we also pointed out, for example, how counterproductive it was to use agricultural labour as punishment for male students held responsible for the pregnancy of female students. In our simplistic analysis at the time, it was only Us and the apartheid enemy. Besides, we knew that in August of 1980, the third national education council of the ANC was scheduled to be held at Somafco: it would be then that the policies for the schools, based on the democratic principles enunciated by the ANC, would be agreed. Barbara and I set about preparing a curriculum outline for the model primary school we envisaged. When we had been forced out of Zambia in 1970, I feared the ANC might implode, given the tensions and corruption that existed. My assumption was that, since the ANC was able, evidently, to start preparing properly for a liberated South Africa, it had become a united, efficient and egalitarian movement.